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REPORT 



COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE 



SOUTHERN ECCLESIASTICAL BODIES 



SLAVERY; 

GENERAL ASSOCIATION OF MASSACHUSETTS. 












Published by vote of the Association. 



SALEM: 
JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY, 

1844. 



A ND over: 

ALLEN, MORRILL AND WARDWELL, 
PRINTERS. 






REPORT 



To the General Association of Massachusetts, The com," 
mittee of correspondence on the subject of Slavery, would 
respectfully submit the following 

REPORT. 

Your Committee, as soon after their appointment as was 
practicable, addressed a general Letter, a copy of which is 
here appended, to thirty ecclesiastical bodies. These bod- 
ies, belonging to both divisions of the Presbyterian church, 
were, two presbyteries in the District of Columbia — four in 
Virginia — five in Kentucky — seven in Tennessee — two in 
Missouri — three in North Carolina — one in South Carolina — 
two in Georgia — one in Alabama, and three in Mississippi. 
Returns have been received from seven presbyteries ; the 
substance of which we would now lay before you. 

The letter directed to the " Orange" Presbytery, N. C, 
was re-mailed for the post-office in Salem, within eight days 
after it first left. In reply to a courteous inquiry for the reason 
— which inquiry one of the Committee had the interest to 
make of the southern post-master — a very bfief, but a very 
smart line, on the smallest piece of paper, but with the largest 
possible postage, was received. It informed us, that the stated 
clerk of the Presbytery, a step-father of his, had authorized 
him to say, that " if any more communications of the same 
kind should be sent, they would be dealt with in the same 
manner." 



Our letter came back to us, also, from the " Western Dis- 
trict" Presbytery, Tenn., with the remark written upon it, 
that " the Presbytery were fully convinced that no good 
could result from a correspondence on the subject proposed." 
The " Mississippi" Presbytery favored us with a guarded, 
though respectful notice, in which they state, that our com- 
munication was taken up for consideration at an appointed 
time, when it was " Resolved, that, inasmuch as the subject 
of slavery is not fairly within the jurisdiction of ecclesiasti- 
cal bodies, therefore, it be not entertained." From the Pres- 
bytery of " South Alabama" we received a very frank and 
earnest answer. This is their letter : 

" The mild and christian spirit of your communication 
has induced us, contrary to our usual course with docu- 
ments on the subject of slavery hitherto received, to give 
you a respectful reply. We reciprocate the christian kind- 
ness and courtesy breathed throughout your letter to us. 
Upon the subject of slavery, however, we have not been 
able to arrive at the conclusion you have done, that slavery 
in itself is a moral evil, (and this is the only point we feel 
ourselves, as an ecclesiastical body, at liberty either to ex- 
amine, or declare the result of that examination,) and there- 
fore do not see the urgent necessity for its abolition so much 
insisted on. God has undoubtedly sanctioned and given 
laws for the government of this institution, and neither 
Christ nor his apostles have condemned, but rather, in their 
directions to masters and servants, have approbated it. How- 
ever much our hearts might glow with feelings of philanthro- 
py for this class of our population, and however ardent our 
desires to see them a free and enlightened people, we con- 
sider the door is not yet opened, and the day not yet arrived 
for such an event. 

" You have asked us for our candid opinions and counsel 
on this subject, which we unhesitatingly give. Permit us then, 



in christian candor to say, that the untempered spirit of abo- 
litionism has added not a little in putting further off the 
day of slave emancipation from our portion of the country. 
We believe the Gospel of Jesus Christ offers the only remedy 
which can reach their condition, and relieve the slave from 
bondage, (if it is ever to be effected). But this has been 
more signally defeated in its application, through the move- 
ments of the abolitionists, than all the influence of infidelity 
and cupidity combined, as you will see by the following 
statements which we think have been the result of their ef- 
forts. 

" 1st. The number of slaves in the South renders imme- 
diate emancipation not only dangerous to themselves, but 
doubly so to the safety of the white population. 

" 2d. The efforts of abolitionists have awakened fear in 
the slave-holder for his personal safety and the safety of his 
property, thus combining every class of men, Christian and 
unbeliever, to hold them in closer bondage for common safety. 
" 3d. This has led on to cause State enactments which 
now preclude the hope of ever benefiting the condition of 
the slave spiritually or temporally, except to a very limited 
extent. In order to save our people from the influence of 
incendiary publications upon the slaves, the Legislature of 
Alabama have enacted : 

" 1st. That no free person of color or slave shall be 
taught to spell, read or write under a penalty of ^500, to 
the owner or teacher of said negro be he bond or free. 
Thus the Bible, the precious fountain of life, is a sealed book , 
to the black population of this State. This is a crying evil, 
and chargeable to the abolitionists as the exciting cause. 

" 2d. The State has enacted tliat slaves shall not assemble 
except on their owner's premises, in numbers exceeding five, 
under pretence of any religious service, without its being an 
unlawful assembly and to be dispersed as such. And no 



negro, free or bond, is allowed (under heavy penalties) to 
preach to, harangue or exhort, any assembly of negroes, un- 
less there be present at least five slave-holders in such assem- 
bly. Thus, in order to prevent collusions from which insur- 
rection might be planned, they are denied the rich blessing 
of religious worship among themselves. 

" 3d. The Patrol laws have not only been enacted, but 
executed with increased rigor. Privileges once more exten- 
sive are now denied. Even in going to and returning from 
church, they are liable to molestation. This has in a great 
measure grown out of a system of protection against the spirit 
of abolitionism. 

"4th. The State has enacted laws which forbid any one 
to free or emancipate a slave within the State, except by spe- 
cial legislative enactment, and that too on the ground of 
some extraordinary act on the part of the slave. Thus, if 
every man in the State were to leave his slaves free, the laws 
would still hold them in bondage. They cannot he freed. 

" The efforts of the abolitionists have diffused a general 
distrust of the ministers of the gospel throughout our country. 
Few are permitted to preach to the negroes free of suspicion, 
and these must be natives of the South, or those who have 
long resided amongst us. Their efforts have done more to 
perpetuate the bondage of slavery, than have the kidnappers 
and slave-traders of the African coast. We, who dwell in the 
midst of the slave population, and who ought to be as much re- 
spected for our piety and our opinions as those at a distance, 
see the fatal results and mourn over them, as they spread deso- 
lation over the spiritual and temporal welfare of the slave. 
We have remonstrated and expostulated with our brethren 
at the North, but expostulations have been unheeded, and 
treated with contempt, or our motives resolved into mere cu- 
pidity and avarice. You have asked us to advise as to your 
relation and duty, and how the emancipation of the slaves is 



to be effected ? Our answer to this inquiry is, we exhort you 
to let it alone — as every step you have already taken, has 
only rendered the condition of the slave worse than it ever 
has been, and has more firmly riveted the chains of bondage, 
and can never reach the object before you. We for our- 
selves feel constrained to act as we are now doing, not to 
touch or meddle with the subject of slavery as a moral or 
political evil, until God, in His providence, shall open the 
way before us to act, should He design their emancipation — 
and our deliberate and solemn advice to you is, to let it 
alone.'' 

A committee, appointed at a previous meeting, by the 
"Transylvania" Presbytery, Ken., submitted a report, which 
was adopted, to this effect. " We reciprocate the feelings 
of kindness you express towards us as servants of the same 
great Master and heirs of the same glorious promises with 
yourselves." * * * * " But were we to attempt to answer 
your questions, with the fulness and candor which you de- 
sire, and which would be necessary to make our answer 
available for any practical and good purpose, we should be 
constrained to write a volume. We have, also, considera- 
ble diversity of opinion among ourselves on all questions 
touching this momentous subject — how then could we un- 
dertake to expound to you your duty on this matter, when 
we are not agreed among ourselves in reference to our own. 
We trust then, brethren, that you will not attribute it to any 
want of appreciation of your kind intentions towards us, 
and your conscientious difficulties as to your own course — 
nor to any deficiency of respect for your venerable body — 
nor to any disposition to shrink from proper responsibility, 
when we decUne any attempt to give you an expression of 
our views on the points of inquiry which you have proposed. 

" Much has been already written upon this subject, here 
and elsewhere, and we cannot aid you in making up your 



8 

own views of duty, further than to recommend you to do it 
in the fear of God, and in a kind spirit ; avaihng yourselves 
of the information and views which have been already 
thrown before the public." 

The Presbytery of " West Tennessee" take a position 
which, as it will be seen, is somewhat in advance of any thus 
far assumed by others. We present their whole letter. 

" We have been appointed by the Presbytery of ' West 
Tennessee' as a committee, to answer, on their behalf, the 
communication which you were pleased to address to them. 

" However we may differ in our views of duty in respect 
to the great question of slavery, in this we will agree, — that 
those who have obtained pardon through the same atoning 
sacrifice, and have by the same spirit of adoption cried, Ab- 
ba, Father, to the same God, should communicate to each 
other, with frankness and freedom, their views on all ques- 
tions concerning christian morality, and especially on those 
subjects, on which they are supposed to entertain opposite 
opinions. 

''And, dear brethren, if we have the same measure of the 
spirit of Christ, which we believe from your communication 
has been bestowed upon you, a free interchange of views 
will be mutually profitable. Whenever distrust, on one 
hand, and angry denunciation on the other, begin to sepa- 
rate those, whose religion teaches them to bear each other's 
burdens, and to cultivate, above all things, fervent charity 
among themselves, well may we tremble for the ties, which 
have held together the repulsive interests of civil society. 

" That the whole South is groaning under evils connected 
with slavery, is a fact, which we will neither deny nor dis- 
guise. We meet them wherever we go, and are compelled 
to contend against them in our daily labors, as ministers of 
the gospel and as Christians. We doubt not but a large 
majority of the South view slavery as a great political evil, 



and few will be found, who believe the system has any foun- 
dation in justice or righteousness. Many are anxious to 
wipe forever from our political and religious character this 
foul blot ; but how this is to be done, so as to secure the 
best interests of all concerned, we have not yet found. We 
regard the interests of slavery, as it exists among us, as pure- 
ly political, and therefore beyond our immediate control as 
Christians and christian ministers. We believe that the ex- 
ample of our Lord and his apostles clearly defines our duty 
in regard to slavery — at least, we feel safe in taking this as 
our pattern. During their ministration, slavery the most ab- 
ject was authorized by law, and slaves were held by those, 
whom they acknowledged as christian brethren ; and yet 
they directed none of their efforts towards the immediate 
abolition of slavery ; but enjoined, on both masters and ser- 
vants, the faithful performance of their reciprocal duties, in 
the relation in which they found them. We do believe this 
is the only safe ground. If, however, there be any other po- 
sition more favorable to the slave and his master, to the good 
of the world and the glory of Christ, we trust that we are 
not unwilling to know it. Our ministers preach everywhere, 
that we should love our neighbor as ourselves, and many of 
them, to as great an extent, we believe, as any others, en- 
deavor by their example to enforce the golden rule of moral- 
ity : ' All things whatsoever ye would that men should do 
to you, do ye even so to them.' And some of as bright ex- 
amples of the fulfilment of this rule could be furnished from 
the relations of master and slave, as exist in any other rela- 
tion in life. Where this exists, the evils of slavery are greatly 
mitigated, if not entirely destroyed. Strange as it may seem 
to those who have not witnessed it, yet it is true, that noth- 
ing but physical force could separate from their masters, a 
large proportion of the slaves of this country, — and we do 
2 



10 

believe that a majority of our slaves are more contented, 
cheerful and happy than free persons of color among us. — 
We also believe, that the present condition of the slave, as 
protected and provided for, both by the laws of the land, 
and the best temporal interests of the master, is preferable 
to freedom itself, where the two races are citizens together 
of a common government. 

" You express your willingness, and even your desire to 
know our views of your duties and responsibilities in refer- 
ence to this large interest. Our opinion is, that you can do 
much to ameliorate the condition of slaves at the South, if 
you will come and preach to them and their masters the glo- 
rious gospel of God our Savior. We greatly need just such 
men as you have, and we have now open before us a wide 
and effectual door. You can preach the Gospel without mo- 
lestation to the slaves of even the ungodly. The Gospel is 
adapted to the wants of the world, and if faithfully preach- 
ed, it will evince its tendency to correct whatever evils lie in 
its way. This, dear brethren, we believe is the most effect- 
ual means you can employ to counteract all the evils of sla- 
very. We know not a single church, in all our land, which 
has no accommodations for the black population, and most 
of our ministers preach a portion of their time to the slaves. 
A minister from the North, who at this time has charge of 
one of our village churches, was quite surprised, when he 
was invited by two of the elders to preach to the slaves on 
the afternoon of each sabbath ; and he would have declined, 
supposing it to be unsafe, if these elders had not themselves 
been slaveholders. To his astonishment, he saw the slaves 
in the pews, and their masters occupying the seats allotted 
to the negroes. Now, brethren, come, and you may do like- 
wise. You will find the slaves and their masters ready to 
receive you, and the Gospel you preach. — Come then, and 
help us to build our schools, our colleges, our theological 



11 

seminaries and our churches. Christ will give us success, 
and His gospel will purify the hearts of slaves and masters, 
and make them rejoice together as brethren beloved. 

" We would further say, that by emigration to the South, 
bringing with you enterprising and scientific farmers and 
mechanics, you will put free labor in competition with slave 
labor, and so reduce the value of slaves, and at the same 
time diminish proportionably the interest of the system, and 
strengthen its opposite. By this means, also, you may put 
the country into a condition for prosperity, when universal 
emancipation shall have taken place. 

" We have attentively observed the influence of discussio n 
of this subject at the North, on the condition of the slave, 
and we are fully persuaded that it is injurious. Any direct 
action, which you can take at the North, will be viewed, by 
a majority at the South, as an unwarrantable interference 
with their prerogatives as sovereign States, and it will serve 
only to wake up a jealousy, that will abridge the privileges 
which the slave now enjoys. You, brethren, may as well 
hope to convert the heathen by discussing the folly of idola- 
try, in your ecclesiastical meetings, as to expect, by the same 
means, to secure the emancipation of our slaves. You ex- 
pect to save the heathen only by self-denying and persever- 
ing labors among them. Adopt the same course towards 
slavery, and you may promise yourselves success. If the 
Gospel will not triumph over the evils connected with the 
system, the case is hopeless. The inference is easy. We 
leave it with you." 

The remaining communication, which we have to bring 
to your notice, is from the " Kingston" Presbytery, Tenn. 
and which also we will give entire. 

" You will accept our assurance of a sincere sense of obli- 
gation for the fraternal spirit of your communication, and 
of interest in the object it appears to have in view. And 



12 

though our delicate relations to southern society, of which 
you speak as matter of observation, are to us matter of per- 
plexing experience, we do not hesitate to avow our sympa- 
thy with you on this subject, so far, at least, as your episde 
makes expression of your views and feelings. We agree 
with you, that the ministry and the church of Christ are deep- 
ly involved in the responsibility of the existence of Slavery, 
and of its continuance, and of every degree of rigor with 
which the yoke of oppression is bound upon the neck of a 
suffering man, and trust we are, as individuals, willing to do 
whatever manifest duty dictates. As individuals, we are 
not called master by any human being. In our Presbytery 
there is not one, and in the churches under our care, there 
are but few, who consider the system of slavery, as it exists 
among us, in any other light than a sin against God and man, 
and detrimental to all the better interests of the community. 
And we hope that you will have the charity to believe that we 
do exert ourselves to the extent we deem our location and cir- 
cumstances permit, in ameliorating the present condition of the 
slave, and encouraging those moral sentiments in the minds 
of the community, that may work his ultimate redemption. 
To what extent our public efforts can be carried on tjiis 
point, you need to be here to know. More than one sev- 
enth of the population of our State are in bondage. Near 
another seventh are either present or prospective slavehold- 
ers. The influence of wealth and fashion give to the latter a 
preponderancy in our Legislative councils, whose jealous eye 
is never asleep on this subject; and in this country, the press, 
the pulpit and the post-office are attempted to be put un- 
der a kind of censorship, that would leave us only the ear of 
private confidence on this momentous subject. Public senti- 
ment, however, in this division of our State, does not sanc- 
tion these restrictions. This state of things, you will regret 
as much to hear, as we to say, has, in some part, been super- 



13 

induced by the imprudent measures of a few, unjustly im- 
puted to the many, who cherish the spirit of emancipation. 
In short, between the excess of the few in the North, who 
would call your letter to us tame and nerveless, (you know 
them by this description,) and the perversions that are prac- 
tised upon their words and deeds, by southerners, our work 
is rendered hazardous and difficult, if not impracticable. 
Suspicion is thus thrown upon every man, who attains to any 
high degree of reputation as an honest philanthropist. — Ex- 
cesses of which he never dreamed, are unsparingly imputed 
to him, and often with too much success imposed upon the 
popular credulity ; clearly showing that the slaveholding in- 
terest sees more to fear in the moderation of cautious men, 
than in the fierceness of the precipitate. 

" The conviction has long been extensively prevalent 
among us, that we must dispose of the evil, or it ivill dis- 
pose of us ; and beyond the spray of popular excitement, 
there is a sober, second thought from which something may 
be hoped on the subject. Throughout the eastern division 
of Tennessee, a small part of which we occupy, we find but few 
slaveholders who dare to justify the system, but barely ven- 
ture to palliate, in their particular cases. And, indeed, many 
are to be commiserated in their misfortune as holders of 
slaves entailed on them by inheritance, and chained to them 
by laws prohibiting emancipation on any other condition 
than immediate expatriation. 

"After these statements of our views and practices, it would 
be unkind in us not to notice your condescending request 
for any suggestions we may think proper to make, in refer- 
ence to your relation to the subject ; and we need say no 
more than what your own reflections will suggest, in view of 
all the facts we have presented. We think nothing can take 
a good eflTect, that does not come in the way of a candid, 
affectionate appeal to the conscience of the reflecting public. 



14 

In this way, and in this way only, can you reach the con- 
science of the master, or of those who make laws for his benefit. 
In this way only can you either alleviate or break the yoke. 
We hope you need not the suggestion, that every emancipation 
effected by means which would be considered, by the slavery 
code, as violence or fraud — every clandestine removal of a 
slave from the southern States, or detention unlawfully of a 
fugitive slave, greatly increases the rigor of southern slavery — 
multiplies the sufferings of the slaves, and throws the greatest 
obstacles in the way of their emancipation. 

" With these expressions of our views and feelings, we 
proffer you our respectful and sincere regard, as your brethren 
and fellow-laborers in the service of our Lord Jesus Christ." 

Such, then, are the returns, which your Committee have 
received from different ecclesiastical bodies. They are 
fewer in number than could have been reasonably expected, 
even after allowing for all known, or any incidental causes 
that may have operated against us ; though we feel that the 
effort has by no means been lost where we have heard noth- 
ing from it. Their average tone, however, considering the 
circumstances of the case, is very welcome ; full as open and 
high as could have been anticipated, while some of their 
strains are beyond our own communication to them. Nor 
can it fail to arrest the attention of the Association, that 
these replies breathe the spirit of liberty — of liberty in per- 
sonal feeling, no less than in respect to the oppressed — very 
much in proportion as the districts from which they come, 
and the men who send them, are themselves free from the 
entanglements of the system from which we would save 
them — a fact, as we conceive, that is to be laid up in the 
mind of every moralist, and to be made one of the fixed ele- 
ments of reasoning on this whole subject. As our object has 
been to call the attention of our southern brethren to their duty 



15 

to the slave, rather than to instruct them in it, to appeal to 
their consciences, rather than to enter into discussion, the 
Committee have not thought it important to reply to these 
communications, as in one instance, at least, they were express- 
ly and kindly invited to do. They do feel, however, that our 
responsibility does not end here. They feel, that we are to 
put forth new efforts for the bondman, till the strongest link 
of the last chain shall have been broken, and that a share of 
this labor, which still we would not undertake to parcel out, 
belongs to the General Association of Massachusetts. And 
if we should be invited or permitted to make a more spe- 
cific suggestion, it would be this : that the Association should 
now address the General Assemblies of the Presbyterian 
Church, with whom we are in correspondence, and whose 
action upon the subject would be greatly felt by the numer- 
ous judicatories below, and all the churches within their 
limits. To such a course, your Committee can see no se- 
rious objection, while the great question itself, at issue, sends 
out all its appeals in favor of it. At first view, the plan 
would seem to be natural and feasible, both hopeful and 
effective, and why should it not be adopted ? 

Does any one go back here so far, as to doubt the author- 
ity of the Association to act in such a matter ? We point him 
to one of its declared objects ; which is, " to co-operate with 
one another, and with other ecclesiastical bodies, in the most 
eligible measures for advancing the cause of truth and holi- 
ness." We remind him of the practice of the Association on 
questions of a moral and religious nature, for the years that are 
past, as well as of the decided judgment and strong interest 
manifested on this subject, at its last three meetings. Should 
it be said, that it is hardly modest in us to assume that this 
would be the *' most eligible" method of promoting the cause 
of truth and holiness ; that the embarrassments and the preju- 
dices of southern ministers and ecclesiastical bodies render 



16 

such a step unpromising and unwise ; we reply in the senti- 
ments and language of some of these very men. One Pres- 
bytery says, " Those, who have obtained pardon through the 
same atoning sacrifice, and have by the same spirit of adop- 
tion cried, Abba, Father, to the same God, should commu- 
nicate to each other, with frankness and freedom, their views, 
on all questions concerning christian morality, and especially 
on those subjects on which they are supposed to entertain 
opposite opinions.''^ Another Presbytery says, " The min- 
istry and the church of Christ are deeply involved in the re- 
sponsibility of the existence of slavery, and of its continu- 
ance, and of every degree of rigor with which the yoke of 
oppression is bound upon the neck of a suffering man." 
Should it be still urged, that these General Assembhes did 
recently take up the subject of slavery, only to lay it down 
again where it was before, we still reply. The fact, that they 
entertained the question, both so well and so poorly as they 
did, is a reason why it should be returned upon their hands. 
A large number of their influential minds are moving in this 
grand undertaking, notwithstanding the heavy obstacles that 
are known to obstruct their way. The members, too, of 
these bodies change from year to year ; while, progress must 
be made by such men, as sure as the earth continues to roll 
onward. Nor are we at liberty to cast the imputation upon 
our brethren, that our appeals will be in vain ; that, for the 
first time, light shall lose its brightness, and love, its warmth. 
Nor yet, would even a just apprehension of failure be the 
necessary measure of our duty. Until we have sent forth the 
voice of entreaty and admonition, it is ours — and we are an- 
swerable for its lost power. 

Or, possibly, some one may venture to take the bold posi- 
tion, that we, at the North, have nothing to do with the mat- 
ter of slavery. But does this mean, that the North did not 
lend her wealth, and her ships, and her restless activity, to 



17 

increase and perpetuate slavery ? Does it mean, that she did 
not put her hand to that daring sentiment of the Constitution 
which recognizes the system, and pledges her — as far as that 
can do it — to uphold it by her courts, and her treasures, and 
her blood ? Does it mean, that when that compact was form- 
ed, both parties did not look for the entire abolition of slavery 
before the present day ? Does it mean, that this leaven of sla- 
very has not always pervaded the policy of our government, 
and the interests of our whole country? Does it mean, that 
we are not regarded abroad as one people, in this reckless in- 
consistency and this huge iniquity ? But still, we have nothing 
to do with slavery ! And is it, for the graver and wider rea- 
son, that moral obligation does not travel beyond certain geo- 
graphical lines ? That, one is first made a New Englander, or 
a Carohnian, and afterwards, a religious being? First, with 
blind obeisance to custom and clamor, and then, with a 
conscience ? Truly, truly, let them, who make a trade of 
politics and office, and hang on the smiles of men in power 
or the populace, put forth this plea — or them, who live to 
get gain, whether by their own manufactures and goods, or 
by the human limbs and the living soul which God hath 
made ; but not those, who send missionaries to China, and 
the islands of the sea ! We will not dare, though others 
should, to give a better definition of our " neighbor," than 
that which has been given ! 

Or is it urged, again, that the spirit and measures of a 
portion of the people of the free States have been wrong and 
injurious ? Then is the right spirit, and the right measures, 
demanded the more. But, with all due acknowledgment of 
what is claimed here, we would still inquire, whether it is 
not more pertinent and necessary, more healthy and profita- 
ble, to turn our minds in a different direction. There is 
another truth, which it is all important for us to note ; all 
important for our brethren of the South, no less than for us, 
3 



18 

and which must be preserved from the rising to the setting 
sun ; a trutli, which, in allegiance to God, we are bound 
to proclaim, if we cannot afford it in justice to a part of 
these reformers. It is this : no great moral enterprise has 
ever been undertaken in this world yet, that did not create a 
conflict, ' a din and a dust,' which they only can appreciate, 
whose consciences are sound, whose firmness is equal to the 
present, and whose faith enables them to ' bide their time.' 
And were angels to come down from the skies, to devise 
means and set them in motion for the deliverance of the 
slave ; commissioned to give specific directions to the mill- 
ions connected with the interest, calling each by name, and 
assigning a duty and a place to each, they would at first fail 
of great success ; and that, very much in proportion to their 
rigid adherence to their instructions ! 

Your Committee would respectfully submit, whether it is 
right to allow our minds to be occupied by such foreign con- 
siderations. Is it more manly than Christian, is it more noble 
than w ise, in such a body as the General Association of Mass- 
achusetts, and such men as the Orthodox ministers of this 
State, the lineal descendants of the Puritan preachers, to 
exhaust so much of their strength in complaining of other 
reformers, whether real or spurious, and to allow these to 
become, in any way, so much the standard of comparison? 
We would be permitted seriously to inquire, whether it is 
gravely proposed by them to stand still where they are, till 
this torrent, however strong and turbid, has passed by, be- 
fore they can move forward their own victorious host. 

LaBITER ET LiABETUK. 

We are much agreed in our views of American slavery. 
Waiving the consideration of all welcome exceptions among 
the masters, passing by all poor abstractions and special 
pleadings, as an unauthorized and a wicked hinderance in 
such a broad undertaking, we are agreed, that, as a system, 



19 

a system of principles and influences, aflecting all classes 
and all interests, the sun, in the whole width of his circuit 
and the length of his years, has seldom looked down upon 
one more wretched; upon a heavier calamity to mankind, a 
more flagrant crime against the individual, a bolder offence 
against God ! We believe, also, that this system can, and 
must, and will be done away. But what are we now at- 
tempting, that, in any manner, corresponds to all this ? At 
this stage of the enterprise, much of the influence must flow 
in from abroad upon tlie slave States ; and it is equally clear, 
that the ministers of New England are better prepared, in 
some respects, to contribute to this influence, than our breth- 
ren in the other free States. But what are we doing? Are 
we true to the spirit of our fathers? Are we true to the 
spirit of our political fathers? For these last, whether North 
or South, had no more idea that slavery was to endure and 
strengthen itself as it has done, than our spiritual fathers had, 
that we are to bow our necks to the Romish Pontiff", or sit 
down contented with a corrupted Gospel, and a dead church. 
Truly, our responsibility is very heavy, as our opportunity 
is very large. Let us not be deceived, in this grand matter : 
for God is not mocked ; nor is the compassionate Redeemer 
untouched by sorrow. Verily, we must stand by the right 
and the true, come what may come ; for God has so com- 
manded. We must plead for the suffering and the dumb, 
for no man cares for such, and for such Christ died. We 
must stand unmoved, except by our own full convictions and 
upheaving emotions, serene with the testimony of the mar- 
tyr's conscience, and patient with a prophet's faith. De- 
liverance will yet come to the captive, joy to the heart of 
every philanthropist, and blessings upon the heads of all the 
people of our land. Justice will yet have her day. Truth, 
the ' daughter of time,' that dear daughter of the skies, will 
speedily appear, and shall be welcomed by every State, and 



20 

city, and hamlet, throughout our wide domain. In a clear 
view of her coming — -for even now she is upon the distant 
hills — we will ourselves rejoice and be glad, and go forth to 
meet her ; we, who, by our very birthright, are to be her 
chosen servants, and her fastest friends. Base ends, partisan 
feelings, blind prejudice, morbid obstinacy, unhallowed strife 
— these, we will leave to others ; for we have a great work 
to do on the earth, and our day hastens to its close. As in 
the broad and crowded city, the solemn watchmen, looking 
upward to the pure stars of heaven, and oppressed by the 
heavy stillness of midnight, are forced to wonder how its 
great heart could have beat a short time before to such 
schemes of pleasure and wealth, of pride and display, of self- 
ishness and passion ; so do angels, as they tread the walls of 
the golden city, wonder, and wonder again, at the childish 
and bold excitements of men, who are so soon to lie down 
in the deep solitude of the grave ! 



ALEX. J. SESSIONS,! 
JOSIAH CLARK, 
ORIN FOWLER, 
JACOB IDE, 



Committee 

of 
Gen. Assoc. Mass. 



APPENDIX. 



COPY OF THE COMMITTEE'S LETTER. 

To 

Dear Brethren in Christ — We have been appoihted by the Gen" 
eral Association of Massachusetts as a Committee Of Correspondence, 
should our intentions be favorably received by yourselves and others, 
upon the subject of Slavery. The doings of the Association in this 
respect are comprised in the following preamble and resolution. 

^^ Whereas, this Association, having repeatedly expressed their views 
respecting the moral character of slavery and the evils arising out of 
it, believe that a friendly correspondence with some ecclesiastical body, 
in some one of the slave States, might possibly have a favorable influ- 
ence upon emancipation, — therefore, 

^'■Resolved, That a Committee of five be appointed to open such cor- 
respondence ; and If practicable, report to this Association at the 
next meeting." 

And now, brethren, may we not address a few lines to you, in the 
execution of our trust, with a frankness and freedom answering to the 
honesty of our purpose and the kindness of our feelings. We are not 
unapprised of the difficulties by which you may deem youi'selves 
surrounded in meeting our advances, but we should be very unwilling 
to think that the Association have really erred in proffering to you 
such a correspondence. For we remember that we are citizens with 
you of the same Republic — sharing very largely in the responsibility of 
having introduced the condition of slaveiy, and of having given counte- 
nance to it in the articles of our national confederation, as well as being 
constantly connected with it in still other forms. We realize that we 
are moral beings together — under obligations, from Which nothing can 
release us, to exert for mutual good whatever influence may have been 
committed to us, and actually ever sending forth an influence for evil 
if not for good — ^that we are followers of a common Redeemer, to 



22 

whom we owe no debt more sacred than that we should be faithful 
to each other, while the day shall last — ^that we are even ministers 
together of the glorious Gospel of the blessed God — and we cannot 
believe that such a course is opposed either to dut}', propriety, or true 
wisdom. We would inquire then, whether from the nature of their 
profession and position, as well as their numbers. Christians and 
Christian ministers in the slave States, are not charged with special 
responsibility, if not with the bwden of the responsibility, in respect to 
this complicated and momentous question. Is it not very much with- 
in their power to accomplish the work, in which we would most read- 
ily assist, of calming the troubled waters of sectional jealousy, and po- 
litical animosity, that, wrought into commotion by the presence of 
such an interest, have so often, and at times so fearfully beat against 
the bulwarks of our cherished Union. And is it not fully within their 
power, to give the right temper and tone upon this subject to all the 
religious intercourse and ecclesiastical action betAveen themselves and 
their brethren of the free States. 

We suppose, too, that you disapprove with us, of the system, as sucli, 
of slavery. We sujjpose that however much you may discriminate and 
distinguish, whatever modifications and exceptions you may make, you 
still feel that the system — as originated in cupidity and violence, as de- 
fined and constituted in the naked statute — has no real foundation in 
justice and righteousness, or even in true policy : that, at least, you would 
say here as did Paul, when addressing servants, if you " might be made 
free" from it, you would " use it rather ;" and that you think it destined 
eventually to pass entirely and forever away. And we would therefoi-e 
inquire, whether you might not do something towards its removal beyond 
what you are now doing, or have ever attempted. Has not the period ar- 
rived, when the moral and religious sentiment of the South should be 
gathei'ed up and husbanded, embodied and strengthened, and system- 
atically and religiously directed to this giand end — however men of 
the world and mere politicians may differ from you, or even hope that 
you ai*e with them, in their limited views and unsanctified principles. 
We do feel, brethren, that this great and good undertaking ought to be 
commenced by you, and believe tliat we have in effect the immediate 
support of large numbers scattered tliroughout your own borders, as 
well as the recorded opinions, at former times, of your leading men iu 
the affairs of State, no less than those of the Chm*ch. Were there no 



23 

other consideration to weigh down our minds and impel us to urge 
such a suggestion, this one, which is constantly present with us, would 
do it, viz., that you have the evil upon your hands to be disposed of, 
in some way or other ; that it is greatly increased by evei-y year's de- 
lay ; and that in any event, it must soon force itself upon the anxious 
attention of all classes at the South ; upon that of politicians and world- 
ly men themselves, as well as of Christians and preachers of the gospel. 

With the same intent and to the same end, we would express our 
willingness and our desire to receive light from you, as to our own 
pai'ticular responsibilities and duties. We would ascertain what, in 
your appi-ehension, is the exact and practical relation we sustain to 
this large interest. Are we under any present obligation in respect 
to it, and if we are, we would have you show us both the amoimt and 
the form of it : if we have any influence to exert upon it — and some 
we must have, whether we choose it or not — in what way can we ex- 
pend it to the best advantage. Some ground here we must occupy, 
some attitude we must assume before the South, before the North, and 
before the world, and can you assist us in determining what it shall 
be. For we are somewhat assiu'ed, and are happy in the assur- 
ance, tliat we are disposed to occupy our just position, whatever it 
may be, unmoved by undue forces fi'om either side of this contested 
and exciting question. 

These are some of the thoughts, dear brethren, which we would 
throw out before you, as the organ of the General Association of Mass- 
achusetts, and which we do not doubt, ai'e the thoughts of the whole 
christian community at the North, and really the sentiment of all 
classes and parties throughout the free States. They spring up of them- 
selves, most naturally and easily, as soon as we begin to write. They 
spring from our truest and most sacred convictions, and so we trust 
they will be received ; while we will accoi'd to you the same generous 
freedom, and shall expect from you the same becoming frankness, in 
any communication you may be pleased to forward to us. 
With true esteem. 

Yours in the bonds and fellowship of the Gospel, 

ALEX. J. SESSIONS,-) 
JOSIAH CLARK, 1 Committee 

CALVIN DURFEE, > of 

ORIN FOWLER, | Gen. ^ssoc. Mass. 

JACOB IDE, J 

Sale7n, January, 1842. 



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